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Respect
Life
October 7, 2007
Readings for the 27th
Sunday in Ordinary Time
| Reading
1: Hab. 1:2–3; 2:2–4 |
| Responsorial
Psalm: Ps. 95:1–2, 6–7, 8–9 |
| Reading
2: 2 Tim. 1:6–8, 13–14 |
| Gospel:
Lk. 17:5–10 |
| Link
to Readings |
By
Father Ray Ryland, Ph.D., J.D.
Today
marks the Church’s annual observance of Respect for
Life Sunday. Cardinal Rigali of Philadelphia, chairman of
the Bishops’ Committee for Pro-Life Activities, recently
announced the theme for this year: “The Infant In My
Womb Leaped For Joy.” This year’s theme recalls
the Visitation of the Blessed Virgin to her cousin Elizabeth.
Cardinal
Rigali’s announcement made this observation. When Mary
greeted Elizabeth at the Visitation, “There was no confusion
as to what and who were nestled under their mothers’
hearts. Yet, two thousand years later, many well-educated
people do not know—or claim they do not know—the
truth about human life before birth.”
In our
observance of Respect for Life Sunday, let’s think first
about the scourge of disrespect for the sanctity of life,
and then remind ourselves of the Church’s defense of
the sanctity of life.
The war
against life is most widespread in abortion, but there is
growing sentiment for so-called “mercy killing”
and for harvesting embryos to use their stem cells for research.
Just around the corner on Fifth Street, incidentally, we have
one of the world’s best sources of information about
the growing practice of euthanasia here and abroad. It’s
the headquarters of the International Task Force On Euthanasia.
The director, Rita Marker, who is one of our parishioners,
is a leading expert on the subject.
Roe
vs. Wade
Though
the battle for life had been going on for years, the U. S.
Supreme Court opened the floodgates of destruction of human
life in its decision, Roe vs. Wade, January 22, 1973.
At that
time I was in my next to last year of law school. For one
of my classes I did an extensive research paper on this decision.
I found that many leading legal scholars who personally favored
abortion agreed that the decision was purely ideological,
not constitutionally based. It was in fact what a dissenting
justice, Justice Byron White, called “an exercise of
raw judicial power.” Justice Blackburn and those who
concurred clearly wanted to make abortion legal. They achieved
their goal by stretching to an astonishing length a so-called
constitutional “right to privacy” so as to include
abortion.
With all
its other flaws, there is a basic contradiction in Roe
vs. Wade. The majority opinion started out by saying
that the key issue is, when does life begin? And they were
right.
The majority
said there is wide disagreement on this issue, so they would
not presume to decide when life does begin. Then the majority
did exactly what they said they would not do: They decided
when life does begin. They said life begins when the baby
is born (though they carefully refrained from calling it a
“baby”). They said, in effect, that a mother has
a constitutional right to have her baby killed at any time
prior to the baby’s actually emerging from her body
(though again without referring to the baby as “baby”).
When the
court gave us Roe vs. Wade, they had on their desks
an amicus curiae brief. (An amicus curiae
[“friend of the court”] brief offers advice on
a legal matter.) The brief was signed by 220 distinguished
doctors, scientists, and professors. The brief’s stated
purpose was to show “how clearly and conclusively modern
science—embryology, fetology, genetics, perinatology,
all of biology—establishes the humanity of the unborn
child.” Modern science, the signatories declared, has
shown conclusively that the unborn child is a person from
the moment of conception.
Every
Twenty Seconds . . .
Even earlier,
in 1970, the scientific journal California Medicine
commented on the growing debate over abortion. The editors
of the journal spoke of the “curious avoidance of the
scientific fact, which everyone really knows, that human life
begins at conception, and is continuous whether intra- or
extra-uterine until death.” The Supreme Court majority
ignored all this evidence, and more, because they were determined
to make abortion legal.
In 1992,
in Planned Parenthood vs. Casey, the Court implicitly
acknowledged the weakness of its reasoning in Roe vs.
Wade. The majority declared, for two decades people have
become accustomed to relying on “the availability of
abortion in the event that contraception should fail.”
(Think about that: “the availability of abortion
in the event that contraception should fail.”
The Church has long been telling us that acceptance of contraception
leads inevitably to acceptance of abortion.) In this 1992
decision, the Court says, in effect, we gave legal sanction
to killing unborn children in 1973. Since people are accustomed
to having that right, we can’t take that privilege away
from them. This is ideology, not constitutional law.
The magnitude
of the slaughter of babies is so vast it’s mind-numbing.
We no longer have exact statistics. Federal and state government
agencies have stopped keeping count. We do know that far more
than forty million babies have been killed since Roe vs.
Wade declared open season on unborn children.
Bring
it down to the present moment: Every twenty seconds
a baby is being killed by abortion in this country. Every
twenty seconds, moment after moment, day after day, year after
year! And this takes no account of the millions of babies
who are killed by contraceptives like the so-called “pill,”
which is an abortifacient.
We all
know this wholesale slaughter of babies has enormously cheapened
human life in our culture, and with appalling results throughout
the whole fabric of our common life.
All of
the most serious problems we face are the result of this war
on life. Several years ago, in his annual address to the diplomatic
corps at the Vatican, John Paul II challenged the diplomats:
“Respect life itself and individual lives: everything
starts here. . . .” Make no mistake about it: Our
quality of life can never improve until we stop killing babies.
“Abortion
Always Constitutes a Grave Moral Disorder”
Now think
about the Church’s defense of the sanctity of life.
In the
middle of last century, a wise cardinal declared, “The
first duty of the Church to the world is to tell the world
the truth.” This naturally follows, of course, from
the Church’s primary mission to proclaim Jesus Christ,
who is “the way, and the truth, and the life.”
In his
encyclical The Gospel of Life, in 1995, Pope John
Paul II put abortion at the top of the list of crimes against
God and humanity. The Holy Father recalled that for two thousand
years the Church has consistently and uncompromisingly condemned
abortion. Then he made this solemn declaration:
. .
. by the authority which Christ conferred upon Peter and
his Successors, in communion with the Bishops—who
. . . dispersed throughout the world, have shown unanimous
agreement concerning this doctrine—I declare that
direct abortion . . . willed as an end or as a means, always
constitutes a grave moral disorder. . . . No circumstance,
no purpose, no law whatsoever can ever make licit an act
which is intrinsically illicit. . . . [Abortion] is contrary
to the Law of God which is written in every human heart,
knowable by reason itself, and proclaimed by the Church.
(no. 62)
This is
clearly an infallible teaching of the ordinary magisterium
of the Catholic Church.
In 1998,
the bishops of this country issued a statement entitled, “Living
the Gospel of Life: A Challenge to American Catholics.”
The bishops pointed out that a nation is like an ecosystem.
(We hear much about ecosystems today. They are systems formed
by the interaction of organisms with their environment.) The
bishops declared, “A people’s habits, belief,
values and institutions intertwine like a root system. Poisoning
one part will eventually poison it all. As a result, bad laws
and bad court decisions produce degraded political thought
and behavior, and vice versa. So it is with the legacy of
Roe vs. Wade” (no. 9).
“Living
the Gospel of Life” gives a catalogue of the tragic
decline in the quality of regard for human life in this country.
The Supreme Court’s decision in Roe vs. Wade,
said the bishops, is responsible for much of that decline.
Catholic
Public Officials
The bishops
acknowledged that Catholic public officials must be concerned
about issues of racism, poverty, hunger, employment, education,
housing, and health care. But, said the bishops, “being
‘right’ in such matters can never excuse a wrong
choice regarding direct attacks on innocent human life. All
direct attacks on innocent human life, such as abortion and
euthanasia, strike at the house’s foundation. These
directly and immediately violate the human person’s
most fundamental right—the right to life” (23).
Now remember
the bishops are talking about responsibilities of Catholic
public officials.
They seem to be saying, “no matter how many good qualities
a politician or other public servant my have, no matter how
worthwhile his other principles, he must be pro-life to deserve
our support.” How do you interpret what the bishops
are telling us?
In 1992,
the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith issued what
they called “Doctrinal Note On Some Questions Regarding
the Participation of Catholics in Political Life.” The
Note stated, “John Paul II, continuing the constant
teaching of the Church, has reiterated many times that those
who are directly involved in lawmaking bodies have a ‘grave
and clear obligation to oppose’ any law that attacks
human life” (no. 4). Then, said the Note, John Paul
added, for Catholic politicians, “as for every Catholic,
it is impossible to promote such laws or vote for them.”
(“Impossible” means “strictly forbidden.”
Think about it: the Church teaches that it is forbidden for
Catholics to promote or vote for laws that support abortion.)
Never
be taken in by politicians or other public officials who give
us that old dodge, “I’m personally opposed to
abortion, but I can’t force my beliefs on other people.”
If the person who says that is sincere, he or she is so ignorant
of the political process as to be unfit for public service.
Every time a legislator answers a roll call, he is forcing
his beliefs on some one or some group that disagrees with
him. Every single statute, every single court decision, every
ruling of every regulatory agency—every single one forces
some people’s beliefs on other people. That’s
how democracy works!
**************
In this
battle for life, we must use our ballots to support the cause
of life. We must give moral and financial support to pro-life
causes and organizations. We must pray for the victims of
abortion. We must pray for the babies who are killed, but
we must also pray for those who consent to their killing and
those who kill. Regardless of what he or she thinks, anyone
who is involved in an abortion suffers greatly: All are victims
who need our prayers. And if you and I stand idly by, doing
nothing to oppose this holocaust, then we, too, are victims.
All of us always stand in deepest need of the mercy of our
Father.
In my
opinion, the most frightening passage in all of Sacred Scripture
is the final one-third of the twenty-fifth chapter of St.
Matthew. It’s the parable of the Last Judgment. Jesus
Christ, the Son of Man, is the judge.
Speaking
to those who are condemned forever, Jesus Christ tells them
why they are condemned. They are condemned not just
because of immoral actions, but also because of immoral inaction.
“‘. . . I was hungry and you gave me
no food, I was thirsty and you gave me no drink,
I was a stranger and you did not welcome me, naked
and you did not clothe me, sick and in prison
and you did not visit me’”(Mt. 25:35-36). The
condemned ask in astonishment, “Lord, when did we see
thee hungry or thirsty or a stranger or naked or sick or in
prison, and did not minister to thee?” (Mt.25:44)
Then comes
Jesus’ ominous reply: “Truly, I say to you, as
you did it not to one of the least of these, you did it not
to me” (Mt. 25:45). Clearly, Jesus tells us that wherever
there is human need, He always will be there in the guise
of those who are suffering. And He always expect us to do
what we can to relieve that suffering.
Imagine our horror at the Last Judgment if Jesus said to us—to
you and me:
“I
was in the womb, and I was about to be aborted; what did
you do?
“I
was about to be torn to pieces; what did you do?
“I
was about to be scalded to death; and you—what did
you do?
“You
would not act, you would not vote, to save me!”
May God
forbid that you and I should ever hear Jesus say that to us!
Father
Ray Ryland is CUF's spiritual advisor. He gave this homily
at St. Peter's Catholic Church in Steubenville, Ohio.
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From Our Founder
How different the holy Church would be this very day if, years ago, we had
been filled with a spirit of humility and compunction, of patience and ready
obedience, with the spirit of the Publican, who stood afar off, not
venturing to raise his eyes to heaven, but only saying, “Lord, be merciful
to me, a sinner” (Lk. 18:13). Or if, like St. Paul, we had begun by saying,
from the bottom of our hearts, “Lord, what would you have me do?” Or if,
like St. Catherine of Siena, we had been able to cry: “Thanks be to Thee,
Eternal Father! . . . I was sick and you gave me . . . a medicine against a
secret infirmity that I knew not of, in this precept that in no way can I
judge any rational creature, and particularly Thy servants, upon whom oft
times I, as one blind and sick with this infirmity, passed judgment under
the pretext of Thy honor and the salvation of souls.”
H. Lyman Stebbins
March 1987
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